Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party

Old Nazis, The New Right, and the Republican Party

A book by Russ Bellant
Published in several editions by
Political Research Associates and South End Press

Selected Resources from the pre-publication draft of the second booklet edition

Mr. Bellant is in the process of making the full text from the out-of-print book available in some form. Meanwhile, please link to this page, but do not copy and paste the text anywhere on the Internet. Copyright 1988-2017 by Russ Bellant, all rights reserved. Duplication is any form is prohibited.

End Notes

Note: Reagan, Remorse and Revisionist History

It’s May 17, 1985: President Reagan has been back in
the nation’s capital less than two weeks from his much-criticized
trip to the Bitburg cemetery in Germany. Now, floodlights and
television cameras that are part of a President’s entourage are
waiting at the Shoreham Hotel, as are 400 luncheon guests.

Ronald Reagan had recently characterized the Nazi Waffen SS
as “victims.” It seemed a rewrite of the history of World War II
rather than a recommitment to its painful lessons. Reagan’s
comments held special meaning for some of his afternoon luncheon
guests. Although it was a Republican Party affair, it was not the
usual GOP set, but a special ethnic outreach unit, the National
Republican Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council (NRHG{N}C).
The Republican Heritage Groups Council is an umbrella for various
ethnic Republican clubs and operates under the auspices of the
Republican National Committee.

If President Reagan needed a boost after the Bitburg
fiasco, this was the crowd to supply it. To the assembled media,
Reagan’s visit that afternoon appeared as a routine stop, perhaps
paying a re-election debt. The Republican Heritage Groups Council
did, in fact, help elect Reagan. And they gave him a long
standing ovation that afternoon at the Shoreham. To some of those
attending the 1985 Council meeting, Reagan’s rehabilitation of
the Waffen SS must have offered a sense of personal and
historic vindication.

The Republican Heritage Groups Council has a special type
of outreach. It appears to have consciously recruited some of its
members–and some of its leaders–from an Eastern European emigre network which includes anti-Semites, racists, authoritarians and fascists, including sympathizers and collaborators of Hitler’s
Third Reich, former Nazis and even possible war criminals. The
persons in this network represent only a radical right fraction
of the ethnic communities they claim to represent.

These anti-democratic and racialist components of the
Republican Heritage Groups Council use anti-communist sentiments as a cover for their views while they
operate as a <de-facto> emigre fascist network within the Republican Party.

Some of these less savory anti-democratic personalities
were part of the 1987 Republican Heritage Groups Council
meeting as well as that 1985 luncheon audience; and some would later join the 1988 election campaign of President George Bush.


This study was researched and written over a four-year
period, beginning in mid-1983. The research was begun to satisfy
my own curiosity, evolved into a magazine article proposal, and
finally grew into this report.

The summer of 1983 was spent in Detroit-area libraries,
researching individuals, organizations and political history.
Later in the research process, trips to the Library of Congress
and use of interlibrary loan broadened my access to published sources.

During the course of my research, I attended both small and
large events sponsored by groups described herein. Examples
include the 1984 and 1985 World Anti-Communist League
conventions, the 1985 and 1986 Republican Heritage Groups Council conventions, a number of American Security Council activities, and many events of other groups utilized by the U.S. fascist network, including events sponsored by the Rev. Sun Myung Moon’s organizations and by Liberty Lobby. I interviewed nearly a
hundred leaders and observers of these organizations and studied
many of the books, periodicals and newsletters they publish.

Occasionally I became skeptical that what I was finding
could, in fact, be true. To help me chart my way in these
little-known political waters, I would periodically share my
results with a handful of journalists and other somewhat detached
observers of American political realities, to test my information
and hypotheses and to help maintain a balanced perspective.

When reading this study, some may be inclined to see it as
a partisan attack on the Republican Party, but it was not
conceived or researched from a partisan standpoint. Nor was it
done with the knowledge of, or in concert with, any element of
the Democratic party or any other political organization.
Certainly Democrats are included where warranted, but of the two
parties, the fascist network has chosen the GOP as its home. This
is an objective problem that exists within the American political
process; it is not the product of partisan bias.

Perhaps the greatest impediment to understanding the
networks discussed in this paper lies in the failure of academic
research to address thoroughly a period of history of crucial
importance. There is very little literature on the histories of
the German occupation of countries on the Eastern Front, much
less a discussion of the role of the Waffen SS and other
collaborationist elements in that region. The escape of important
collaborationists from the East, and the integration of these
individuals and organizations into the Western political system,
is also virtually ignored. Finally, most of the literature,
admittedly sparse, on American fascism appears to have been
produced by journalists and political activists, with little
in-depth research by academicians. As the last leaders of these
European and American groups die, I wonder how much of this
history will ever be recovered. I have included a short list of
readings related to matters discussed in this report.

I would like to thank those whose own research and support
helped with my report, including Dr. Fred Chary, Dr. Barry
Mehler, Dennis Debbaudt, Kris Jacobs and Wes McCune. Christopher Simpson volunteered useful suggestions after reading a final draft. Certain friends provided assistance during the four-year
period of my work, especially Bo and Chris, as well as Dee and
Suzanne. This paper would not have been possible without the
support of Political Research Associates: the encouragement and
comments of its director, Dr. Jean Hardisty, the careful editing
of Chip Berlet, and the relentless pursuit of footnotes by
Margaret Quigley. The most important support, however, came from
my wife, Debi, as this work was conducted for so long in so many
out-of-town places. She accepted my work schedule with great patience.

Finally, I would like to thank those leaders of the groups
mentioned herein who gave their time to be interviewed, including
John Fisher. They will not be happy with this study. To them, I
can only say that I, myself, wish it weren’t so.

(Russ Bellant, Detroit, Michigan, 08/03/88)

Author’s Note for the Second Edition

In my original acknowledgements, I stated that this report
was in no way associated with the Democratic Party or any element
thereof. Nevertheless the report, released in September, 1988,
was attacked by the George Bush presidential campaign, the
Republican Party and emigre rightists as a partisan attack timed
for the November 1988 elections.

No evidence was offered for these assertions, because none
exists. There is evidence to the contrary, including attempts to
publish versions of the report in 1986 and 1987 in several
magazines and journals. When the report was released in September of 1988, it was as much news to the Dukakis
campaign as it was to the rest of the country.

Furthermore, some Republicans circulated false statements
about the publisher and myself in an apparent effort to
discourage serious examination of the report by the press, public
and other Republicans.

The Republican Party and President George Bush have yet to
address the serious issues raised in this report.

(R.B. – 12/15/88)


Bellant: Old Nazis/Conclusions

Americans are, in general, not aware of the role and
importance of the Eastern Front in the history of WWII. The
German <blitzkrieg>, the Russian winter and the long Soviet
counterattack are the staples of the history of this subject. The
resulting ignorance allows us to tolerate an extensive network of
collaborators established by Hitler’s Third Reich, many of whom
then came to the United States after the war ended. When these
collaborators promote themselves as past victims of Soviet (or
Romanian, Hungarian, etc.) persecution and as patriotic
anti-communists, they mask their past fascism, Nazism, and,
often, crimes against humanity.

A combination of ignorance, amnesia and in some cases
political sympathy have allowed both American and European
abetters of the Third Reich to play a prominent and respectable
role inside the Republican Party. In many cases these fascists
are unrepentant about their past as enemies of the United States
and as supporters of Nazi genocide. It is painfully ironic that
it was our victory over Germany which forced SS-linked groups to
flee their eastern European homelands, in some cases to the
United States, and subsequently allowed former enemies of the
United States to influence American politics at the highest levels.

The American right wing has made common cause with this
racism and anti-Semitism in their ranks. The American Security
Council is an important organization which is less an aberration
of the American Right than the expression of two generations of
Old and New Right issues, priorities, outlooks and personalities.
As Christopher Simpson observes in <Blowback>:

“Captivated by a vision of the world in which any enemy of
the Communists was a friend of ours, the United States’
<public> role in Eastern Europe during the cold war
consisted in large part of the creation of polarized crises in
which East-West cooperation became impossible, while the
<clandestine> counterpart to this same policy often created
secret alliances with war criminals, Nazis, and extremists.”

The presence of these political currents in the American
political process presents a challenge to members of both
political parties and to those of neither party. Observers and
researchers in the media, academia and in non-profit political
and religious groups must all ask themselves whether the
condition described herein is acceptable.

In 1988 the George Bush presidential campaign was presented
with the opportunity to repudiate the anti-Semites, Nazi
apologists and fascists who had been recruited into the
campaign’s ethnic outreach arm through Republican party contacts.
Instead of repudiating anti-democratic tendencies and bigotry,
the Bush campaign chose to sidestep the charges and moved instead
to minimize damage to the political campaign.

The record to date leads to the conclusion that the
Republican National Committee and the network around the American Security Council and World Anti-Communist League may consider it forgivable to have been a fascist collaborator so long  one is today an active anti-communist pursuing the maintenance of the
Cold War in foreign policy and extremist right-wing politics at
home. If this is an incorrect interpretation, then it is
incumbent upon them to give a better–and public–explanation of
why a tolerance for anti-Semitism, racism, authoritarianism and
fascism is a hallmark of both their foreign policy intrigues
abroad and their political coalition-building at home.

–Russ Bellant

Selected Bibliography

Note that there are many more documents and interviews
listed in the End Notes

American/German Corporate Support for Hitler

Ambruster, Howard Watson. <Treason’s Peace>. New York:
Beechhurst Press, 1947.

Borkin, Joseph. <The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben>.
New York: Free Press, 1978.

Higham, Charles. <Trading With the Enemy>. New York:
Delacorte Press, 1983.

Pool, James and Pool, Suzanne. <Who Financed Hitler>. New
York: Dial Press, 1978.

Reiss, Curt. <The <Nazis Go Underground>. New York:
Doubleday, Doran and Co., 1944.

Thyssen, Fritz. <I Paid Hitler>. New York: Farrar and
Rinehart, 1941.

War Criminals and Nazi Collaborators in the U.S.

Allen, Charles R. <Nazi War Criminals in America: Facts…
Action>. New York: Highgate House, 1985.

Blum, Howard. <Wanted! The Search for Nazis in America>.
New York: Quadrangle, 1979.

Lasby, Clarence. <Project Paperclip>. New York: Atheneum, 1971.

Simpson, Christopher. <Blowback: U.S. Recruitment of <Nazis
and Its Effects on the <Cold War>. New York: Weidenfeld &
Nicolson, 1988.

Fascists and Nazis in the U.S.: 1920-1950

Diamond, Sander A. <The Nazi Movement in the United States
1924-41>. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1974.

Kennedy, Stetson. <Southern Exposure>. New York: Doubleday, 1946.

Lavine, Harold. <The Fifth Column in America>. New York:
Doubleday, 1940.

Magil, A.B. and Stevens, Henry. <Perils of <Fascism>. New
York: International Publishers, 1938.

Piller, E.A. <Time Bomb>. New York: Arco, 1945.

Sayers, Michael and Kahn, Albert. <Sabotage!> New York:
Harper, 1942; Lev Gleason Publications, 1943.

Smith, Geoffrey S. <To Save a Nation>. New York: Basic
Books, 1973.

Spivak, John L. <Secret Armies>. New York: Modern Age, 1939.

Seldes, George. <In Fact>, 4 vols. Westport, Connecticut:
Greenwood Reprint Corporation, 1970. This is a reprint of <In
Fact>, a weekly periodical edited by George Seldes, published
from 1940-1950.

The American Right: 1950-Present

Clabaugh, Gary K. <Thunder on the Right: the Protestant
Fundamentalists>. Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1974.

Forster, Arnold. <A Measure of Freedom>. New York:
Doubleday, 1950.

McIntyre, Thomas J. <The Fear Brokers>. Boston: Beacon
Press, 1979.

Saloma, John S., III. <Ominous Politics>. New York: Hill and
Wang, 1984.Sanders, Jerry W. <Peddlers of Crisis>. Boston,
Massachusetts: South End Press, 1983.

Turner, William. <Power on the Right>. Berkeley, California:
Ramparts Press, 1971.

Rev. Moon and the Unification Church

Boettcher, Robert. <Gifts of Deceit>. New York: Holt,
Rinehart and Winston, 1980.

Horowitz, Irving L., ed. <Science, Sin and Scholarship–The
Politics of Reverend Moon and the Unification Church>.
Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1978.

U.S., Congress, House, Committee on International Relations,
Subcommitee on International Organizations. <Investigation of
Korean-American Relations Report>, 2 vols. Washington, D.C.:
GPO, 1978.

Other Works of Interest

Anderson, Scott and Anderson, Jon Lee. <Inside the League:
The Shocking Expose of How Terrorists, Nazis, and Latin
American Death Squads Have Infiltrated the World Anti-Communist
League>. New York: Dodd-Mead, 1986.

Codreanu, Corneliu Z. <For My Legionaries>. Madrid, Spain:
Editura Libertatea, 1976. This is an English translation of the
original 1936 work.

Cook, Fred J. <The Warfare State>. New York: MacMillan,
1962; Collier Books, 1964, 1969.

Eisenberg, Dennis. <The Re-emergence of Fascism>. South
Brunswick, New Jersey: A.S. Barnes, 1968.

Sklar, Holly. <Washington’s War on Nicaragua>. Boston: South
End Press, 1988.

End Notes

Bellant: Old Nazis/End Notes 1

END NOTES 1 – 100

1 U.S., Displaced Persons Commission, <Memo to America, The
DP Story, The Final Report of the Displaced Persons Commission>
(Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1952), p. v.

2 <Ibid>., p. 101.

3 <Ibid>.

4 For information on the Waffen SS, see George Stein, <The
Waffen SS: Hitler’s Elite Guard at War: 1939-1945> (Ithaca,
New York: Cornell University Press, 1966); Alexander Dallin,
<German Rule in Russia, 1941-45: A Study of Occupation
Policies> (New York: St. Martins Press, 1957).

5 Jack Anderson, “Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis,”
<Washington Post>, Nov. 10, 1971, p. B17; Nora Levin, <The
Holocaust: the Destruction of European Jewry 1933-1945> (New
York: T. Y. Crowell, 1968; Schocken Books, 1973), pp. 610-11,
644, 653-55, 662-64.

6 Interview with Laszlo Pasztor, Washington, D.C., May 15,
1985. Interviews will be identified with date and location the
first time they are cited only.

7 The requests were made in person Sept. 1984, May 1985,
and June 1986.

8 See, for instance, the ad sponsored by the American
Security Council in the <Washington Times>, Sept. 28, 1983, p. A5.

9 Anderson, “Nixon Appears a Little Soft on Nazis,” p. B17.

10 Interview with Spas T. Raikin, by telephone, August 1986.

11 Interview with Ivan Docheff, by telephone, Sept. 1984.
See pp. 33-35 of this report for discussion of the Nazi-linked
National Confederation of American Ethnic Groups. Leaders of
NCAEG have included Austin App and Josef Mikus.

12 Interview with Professor Frederic Chary, Detroit,
Michigan, August 1984. Chary is author of <Bulgarian Jews and
the Final Solution> (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972).

13 Chary also supplied the <Prelom> masthead with headline
(<Prelom>, March 31, 1933).

14 Ivan Docheff, <Half Century Struggle Against Communism
for the Freedom of Bulgaria> (New York: Bulgarian National Front,
1982), p. 83; also see Docheff’s biographical statement in his
book, <A New Danger for World’s Peace–Red Bulgaria> (Salzburg,
Austria: n.p., 1950). Also, Raikin letter to the author, August
17, 1986.

15 Docheff, <Half Century Struggle Against Communism>, p. 185.

16 Ivan Docheff, “Why President Reagan?” <Borba>, Sept.
1984, p. 1. <Borba> is published by the Central Executive Board
of the Bulgarian National Front, Inc.

17 Interview with Ivan Docheff.

18 Interview with Ivan Docheff; interview with Frederic
Chary; confirmed by the author in a telephone conversation in
Sept. 1984 with aide to White House Director of Ethnic Liaison,
Linas Kojelis.

19 Interview with Nicolas Nazarenko, Washington, D.C., May
17-18, 1985; interview with Alex Aksenov, Washington, D.C., May
17-18, 1985. See also Christopher Simpson, <Blowback: U.S.
Recruitment of Nazis and Its Effects on the Cold War >(New
York: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1988), pp. 24-25.

20 Interview with Florian Galdau, by telephone, Sept. 1984.

21 Chris Simpson, “Not Just Another Nazi,” <Penthouse>,
August 1983, p.156.

22 Howard Blum, <Wanted: The Search for Nazis in America>
(New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co., 1977), pp. 109-11,
114-16. Trifa offered an opening prayer for the U.S. Senate on
May 10, 1955, at the request of Richard Nixon, who presided over
the Senate as part of his vice-presidential duties.

23 “Viorel Donise Trifa,” FBI Memo (April 6, 1954), p. 1;
on Galdau, “Viorel Donise Trifa,” FBI Memo (Oct. 5, 1955), p. 2.
Copies of these memos are in the possession of the author.

24 A privately circulated, typewritten document by George
Roman names 60 Iron Guardists and briefly describes their
functions in the U.S.

25 New York City <News World>, July 31-August 1, 1982, p.
B1. <News World> is affiliated with the Reverend Moon’s
Unification Church. Moon’s followers have made great efforts to
link into emigre fascist groups. See, for example, “Will the
Soviet Union Survive?: ABN International Conference” program,
May 13-15, 1988, Washington, D.C.: several speakers, including
the keynote speaker, were representatives of Moon-connected organizations.

26 Both groups were accredited to the Displaced Persons
Commission. See <Memo to America>, pp. 270, 277, 285 and 289. On
Tolstoy Foundation, see Blum, pp. 68-70; Doug Hostetter and
Michael McIntyre, “The Politics of Charity,” <Christian Century>,
Sept. 18, 1974, pp. 845-50. On the International Rescue
Committee, see R. Harris Smith, <OSS: The Secret History of
America’s First Central Intelligence Agency> (Berkeley,
California: University of California Press, 1972), p. 404n;
Simpson, <Blowback>, p. 200n. Also, U.S., Senate, Committee on
Foreign Relations, <The U.S. Government and the Vietnam War:
Executive and Legislative Roles and Relationships; Part 1:
1945-1961>, 98th Cong., 2nd sess., 1984, pp. 301-303.

27 Interview with Valerian Trifa, conducted by Dennis
Debbaudt, Oct. 20, 1981, by telephone. Transcript made available
to author.

28 <United Israel Bulletin>, Summer 1974, p. 1.

29 Interview with Dennis Debbaudt, Detroit, Michigan, Sept. 1984.

30 Interview with Walter Melianovich, Washington, D.C., May
17, 1985.

31 John Loftus, <The Belarus Secret> (New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1982), p. 181; interview with Mark Masurowsky,
Washington, D.C., May 1985.

32 Loftus, p. 29.

33 U.S., <Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression>, Nuremberg
Document #PS 3047 (Washington, D.C.: GPO, 1946), Vol. 5, pp. 772-76.

34 Interview with Mark Masurowsky.

35 Interview with Cheslav Nadjiuk, Los Angeles, June 28,
1986. Also, a list of those who attended the 14th plenum of the
Byelorussian Central Council (the Nazi puppet government in
exile) in South River, New Jersey on Sept. 4 and 5, 1954,
includes Nadjiuk (spelled Naydzyuk) and says that he attended the
1944 Congress.

36 Gerhard L. Wineberg, <The Foreign Policy of Hitler’s
Germany> (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1970), pp. 116-18.

37 Joseph Lettrich, <History of Modern Slovakia> (New York:
Praeger, 1955), pp. 143-73. The declaration of war is mentioned
on p. 169.

38 Lucy Dawidowicz, <The War Against the Jews> (New York:
Bantam, 1976), p. 544.

39 David Duke for President Committee, Quarterly Report of
Receipts and Disbursements, Federal Election Commission, Form 3P,
Schedule BP, July 1-Sept. 30, 1987, p.9.

40 Joseph M. Kirschbaum, ed., <Slovakia in the 19th and
20th Centuries> (Toronto: Slovak World Congress, 1973), pp.
9-10; Lettrich, pp. 116-17, 175.

41 Kirschbaum, p. 151.

42 <New York Times>, May 25–June 10, 1981; Thomas Sheehan,
“Italy: Terror on the Right,” <New York Review of Books>, Jan.
22, 1981, pp. 23-26. Also, Luigi Di Fonzo, <St. Peter’s Banker>
(New York and London: Franklin Watts, 1983); Larry Gurwin, <The
Calvi Affair> (London: Macmillan, 1983).

43 <Boston Sunday Globe>, Oct. 18, 1987, p. A18.

44 <Who’s Who in American Politics: 1987-88>, 11th ed. (New
York and London: R. R. Bowker Co., 1987).

45 DiFonzo, p. 229.

46 <New York Times>, June 4, 1981, p. 7.

47 DiFonzo, p. 230.

48 <Ibid>., p. 259.

49 Gurwin, p. 189.

50 <Who’s Who in America: 1984-1985>, 43rd ed. (Chicago:
Marquis Who’s Who, 1984); Gurwin, pp. 12, 189-90.

51 Di Fonzo, pp. 72-73.

52 Stella’s curriculum vitae, 1986, p. 2.

53 The announcement was made Oct. 20, 1981 according to an
undated White House letter received by the author in Feb. 1984.

54 <New York Post>, Feb. 21, 1986, p. 8.

55 Stella’s curriculum vitae, 1986, p. 5.

56 Robert Katz, <The Fall of the House of Savoy> (New York:
Macmillan, 1971), pp. 366-67; Charles Fenyvesi, <Splendor in
Exile> (Washington, D.C.: New Republic Books, 1979), pp. 92-93;
E. J. Dionne, Jr., “Italy’s Royal Heir, In Exile, Pleads to
Return,” <New York Times>, March 2, 1986, p. 6.

57 Fenyvesi, pp. 100-101; Taki Theodoracopulos, “Princes
and Playboys,” <Esquire>, Feb. 27, 1979, pp. 87-88.

58 Fenyvesi, p. 96.

59 The delegation’s membership, their backgrounds and
planned itinerary were described in a booklet distributed at the
Republican Heritage Groups Council meeting, “President Reagen’s
[sic] Reinauguration Celebration Delegation,” (Room 8, 11F, 150,
Chi Lin Road, Taipei, Taiwan: Chinese Times, 1985).

60 A proposal to create such affiliates was roundly
denounced by delegates at the June 1986 convention.

61 Kevin Phillips’ syndicated newspaper article,
“Economics, Not Heritage, the Key,” was reprinted in <Cossack
Life> in 1975. Mr. Phillips declined to look for a more
accessible citation, but a copy of the reprinted article is in
the author’s possession.

62 “17th Annual Convention Program,” National Republican
Heritage Groups (Nationalities) Council, Washington, D.C., Oct.
30-Nov. 1, 1987.

63 Quotations in this section from the 1985 Republican
Heritage Groups Council convention are from the author’s own
notes of the event.

64 Interview with Michael Sotirhos, Washington, D.C., Sept. 1984.

65 National Republican Heritage Groups Council brochure,
Washington, D.C., n.d.

66 Author’s notes from the 1985 Republican Heritage Groups
Council Convention.

67 Peter Braestrup, “GOP’s `Open Door’: Who’s Coming In?”
<Washington Post>, Nov. 21, 1971, p. A1.

68 Jack Anderson, “Doleful Dole,” <Washington Post>, May
18, 1978, p. A25; Jack Anderson and Les Whitten, “>Nazi Eulogy,”
<Washington Post>, May 4, 1976, p. B15.

69 “Join the Crusade for Freedom” brochure, National
Committee for a Free Europe, New York City, n.d.. The Crusade for
Freedom was a project of the Committee for a Free Europe, which
was the ostensible sponsor of Radio Free Europe.

70 Interview with Andy Valuchek, Washington, D.C., May 20, 1985.

71 <Washington Post>, Jan. 8, 1979, p. C1.

72 Telephone interview with Wes McCune, July 14, 1988. See
also “ASC’s John Fisher Moves Further into Right-wing Politics,”
<Group Research Report>, April 3, 1970, p. 25, which states that
“Fisher is in effect the organized leader of the
military-industrial complex as it impinges on civilian life.”
<Group Research Report>, Feb. 26, 1975, p. 6 and Nov. 1983, p.
37 make similar assertions.

73 William Turner, <Power on the Right> (Berkeley,
California: Ramparts Press, 1971), p. 199. Turner’s book has a
chapter on the ASC. Also, <New York Times>, July 10, 1958, p. 56.

74 Turner, pp. 199-200.

75 America First Committee literature, 1940-41. See, for
example, “Monster Rally and Demonstration” flyer (Brooklyn, New
York: Brooklyn Chapter, America First Committee, June 1940),
which reads, “Keep United States Out of War…No Convoys, No War,
No Death for American Boys.”

76 J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Edwin M. Watson,
Secretary to the President, FBI Memo (Feb. 13, 1942), p. 6.

77 <Ibid>., 2-page cover letter; Michael Sayers and Albert
E. Kahn, <Sabotage: The Secret War Against America> (New York:
Harper and Brothers, 1942), pp. 241-42.

78 J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Watson, cover letter.

79 J. Edgar Hoover to Major General Watson, p. 4; “Monster
Rally and Demonstration” flyer, America First Committee
letterhead, June 1940.

80 Frances Locher, ed., <Contemporary Authors> (Detroit,
Michigan: Gale Research, 1981), Vol. 101, p. 394. This interview
was conducted April 30, 1980.

81 Turner, pp. 200-201.

82 Donald S. Strong, <Organized Anti-Semitism in America>
(Washington, D.C.: American Council on Public Affairs, 1940),
pp. 83-108.

83 Strong, pp. 83-93; Robert Wohlforth, “Spy-Hunters:
1930,” <The New Republic>, Jan. 29, 1930, pp. 271-73 (note also
reply in Harry Jung, “Correspondence,” <The New Republic>, March
12, 1930, pp. 101-102); Norman Hapgood, <Professional Patriots>
(New York: Albert & Charles Boni, 1927), pp. 139, 162-65.

84 John Roy Carlson, <Under Cover> (Philadelphia: Blakiston
Company and New York: E. P. Dutton, 1943), p. 392. Jung had White
Russian emigres translate the “Protocols” from Czarist
forgeries in Russian to English forgeries. See also Strong,
pp. 105-6.

85 <New York Times>, July 24, 1942, p. 8; Strong, p. 95.

86 <The Coalitionist>, published by the ACPS, from 1929-32.
See, for example, <The Coalitionist>, Nov. 1929, p. 1.

87 John Higham, <Strangers in the Land> (New Brunswick, New
Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1955; New York: Atheneum,
1981), pp. 314, 319-21.

88 <Ibid>., p. 319.

89 Barry Mehler, “The New Eugenics: Academic Racism in the
U.S. Today,” <Israel Horizons>, Jan.-Feb. 1984, p. 25.

90 <In Fact>, August 11, 1947, p. 2; <In Fact>, Feb. 24,
1947, p. 4. <In Fact>, begun as a biweekly in 1940, soon became a
weekly that was published until 1950. It was edited by George Seldes.

91 <In Fact>, Feb. 14, 1949, pp. 1, 2. For details on
<National Republic>, see <In Fact>, Feb. 24, 1947, p. 3.

92 <New York Times>, July 24, 1942, p. 8.

93 Felix Morley, “Travesty of Justice,” <Human Events>,
Nov. 21, 1945, pp. 192-95.

94 Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein, <Cross-Currents>
(Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Co., 1956), pp. 156-60.

95 <Ibid>., p. 158; Thomas Reeves, <The Life and Times of
Joe McCarthy: A Biography> (New York: Stein and Day, 1982), p. 662.

96 Margaret Fisk, ed., <Encyclopedia of Associations>, 8th
ed. (Detroit: Gale Research, 1973), Vol. 1, p. 1057. For
background on the political character of ACPS, see <Group
Research Report> throughout the 1960’s and <Report to America>
(an ACPS organ) 1960-1962.

97 “American Coalition of Patriotic Societies,” <Group
Research Organizations Directory>, Washington, D.C., Feb. 12,
1963, p. 2.

98 <Encyclopedia of Associations>, 22nd ed. (Detroit: Gale
Research, 1987), Vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 1669.

99 <Who’s Who in America: 1984-1985>.

100 Proceedings of the Military-Industrial Conferences, 1955-61.


Bellant: Old Nazis/End Notes 2

END NOTES 101 – 200

101 <New York Times>, Feb. 19, 1967, pp. 1, 32; “The
Foreign Policy Research Institute,” <Ramparts>, March 1966, pp.
39-40 for discussion of CIA ties to think tanks and foundations;
Gene M. Lyons and Louis Morton, “School for Strategy,” <Bulletin
of the Atomic Scientists>, March 1961, pp. 103-6.

102 Robert Strausz-Hupe, William Kintner, and Stefan
Possony, <A Forward Strategy for America> (New York: Harper &
Brothers, 1961), p. 15.

103 Clarence Lasby, <Project Paperclip> (New York:
Atheneum, 1971), p. 128.

104 Wernher von Braun is listed as a participant in the
1958 Military Industrial Conference in the published proceedings
of the conference: George B. de Huszar, ed., <National Strategy
in the Age of Revolutions> (New York: Praeger, 1959), p. iii;
Medaris presented a lecture at the 1957 Conference, according to
<Military-Industrial Conference: Papers and Discussions>,
Chicago, 1957, p. v.

105 <Who’s Who in Germany> (Munich: Intercontinental Book
and Publishing Co., 1956).

106 James Pool and Suzanne Pool, <Who Financed Hitler> (New
York: Dial Press, 1978; Dial Press, 1979), pp. 207, 211.

107 <Who’s Who in Germany>; <The New York Times>, June 13,
1944, p. 4.

108 <The New York Times>, July 14, 1923, p. 2.

109 T. H. Tetens, <The New Germany and the Old Nazis>
(New York: Random House, 1961), p. 255.

110 <Ibid>., pp. 56-70, 254-55.

111 New Benjamin Franklin House, a Lyndon LaRouche outfit,
has translated and printed an English-language version of August
von der Heydte’s 1972 book, <Modern Irregular Warfare> (New York:
New Benjamin Franklin House, 1986); according to LaRouche’s <New
Solidarity>, Feb. 21, 1986, p. 8, von der Heydte signed a
political advertisement (placed in newspapers throughout West
Germany), which identified him as a member of Patriots for
Germany, a LaRouche front.

112 de Huszar, pp. 269-82. “Special Report on the American
Security Council,” <Group Research Directory>, May 25, 1962, pp.
4-11; Lyons and Morton, “School for Strategy,” pp. 104-105;
Harold Relyea, “The American Security Council,” <The Nation>,
Jan. 24, 1972, p. 114.

113 See Lyons and Morton, “School for Strategy,” pp. 103-6
on the extremism of the Institute for American Strategy, its ties
to the Pentagon and its origins in the military-industrial
conferences; Senator William Fulbright’s “Memorandum Submitted to
the Department of Defense on Propaganda Activities of Military
Personnel,” <Congressional Record>, August 2, 1961, pp.
14433-39; <New York Times>, June 18, 1961, p. 1 on the NSC
directive; Frank R. Barnett, “A Proposal for Political Warfare,”
<Military Review>, March 1961, p. 3; and “Special Report on the
American Security Council,” pp. 9-11 for discussion of Senator
Fulbright’s memorandum on the military’s sponsorship of seminars
on communism. The <New York Times> and Lyons and Morton articles
are reprinted in the <Congressional Record> as attachments to
the Fulbright Memorandum.

114 Fulbright, from 1961 memorandum cited above as reported
in <Ramparts>, March 1966, (See footnotes 101 and 113).

115 Barnett, “A Proposal for Political Warfare,” p. 3.

116 “Special Report on the American Security Council,” p. 9.

117 David Wise and Thomas B. Ross, <The Invisible
Government> (New York: Random House, 1964; Bantam, 1965), pp.
167-69; Alfred W. McCoy, <The Politics of Heroin in Southeast
Asia> (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), pp. 120-25, 264-65;
Institute for American Strategy letterhead, n.d.

118 <Guidelines for Cold War Victory> (Chicago: ASC
Press, 1964), pp. 9-10. In <Group Research Individuals
Directory>, 1962, see, for example, the backgrounds of Lt. Gen.
Edward Almond (Ret.); Spruille Braden; Charles Edison; Adm. Ben
Moreel (Ret.); Rear Adm. Chester Ward (Ret.); Gen. Robert Wood
(Ret.); and Gen. C.A. Willoughby (Ret.).

119 Frank P. Mintz, <The Liberty Lobby and the American
Right: Race, Conspiracy, and Culture> (Westport, Connecticut
and London: Greenwood Press, 1985), pp. 4,5; <Right>, Sept.
1960, p. 5.

120 Turner, p. 211.

121 <Coalition Insider>, Nov.-Dec. 1980, p. 2. <Coalition
Insider> is an organ of the Coalition for Peace Through
Strength. For subsequent quotes, all from this edition of
<Coalition Insider>: on showings of “The Salt Syndrome,” p. 3; on
“super-dove” McGovern, p. 2; on the South Dakota race, p. 3; on
ASC PAC Abdnor contribution, p. 4; on Singlaub and Grassley
campaign, pp. 4-5; on D’Amato campaign, pp. 4-5; on Church as
architect of intelligence system destruction, p. 5; on Church
and Soviet supremacy, pp. 4, 5, 7; on ASC aiding 67 candidates,
p. 4; and on ASC PAC contributions to other campaigns, p. 4.

122 Interview with Dr. Richard Kolm at his Washington, D.C.
home, May 21, 1985; “Szaz’s springboard” quote is from a
confidential interview.

123 The names of NCAEG affiliates were provided by Z.
Michael Szaz in a telephone interview on May 20, 1985 and by Dr.
Richard Kolm.

124 Alexander Ronnett, <Romanian Nationalism: The
Legionary Movement> (Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1974).
The book’s cover has the Iron Guard symbol on it.

125 See Corneliu Z. Codreanu, <For My Legionaries>, trans.
(1936; Madrid: Editura “Libertatea,” 1977). Codreanu was the
founder and ideological leader of the Iron Guard. This book,
written in 1936, is the Guard’s <Mein Kampf>. The English
translation is available from Liberty Bell, a neo->Nazi publisher
and book distributorship at P.O. Box 21, Reedy, W. Va., 25270.

126 Blum, pp. 91-96; Hans Rogger and Eugen Weber, eds.,
<The European Right> (London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson, 1965),
pp. 565-66; interview with Dennis Debbaudt.

127 Interview with Alexander Ronnett, Chicago, December 1984.

128 Program for the seventh IHR Conference, held in Los
Angeles on Feb. 15-17, 1986. For the text of his speech, see
Alexander Ronnett, M.D. and Faust Bradescu, Ph.D., “The Legionary
Movement in Romania,” <Journal of Historical Review>, Summer
1986, pp. 193-228. The <Journal of Historical Review> is
published by IHR.

129 Interview with Ronnett. Also, WACL documents and
interviews with Iron Guard delegates to 1985 WACL conference.
Ronnett was WACL delegate for many years.

130 Austin J. App, <The Six Million Swindle> (Tacoma Park,
Maryland: Boniface Press, 1973), available from the Institute
for Historical Review, 1822 1/2 Newport Blvd., Suite 191, Cosa
Mesa, California, 92627.

131 Forster and Epstein, p. 229; Austin J. App, <No Time
For Silence: Pleas For A Just Peace Over Four Decades> (Costa
Mesa, California: Institute for Historical Review, 1987), p.
62.;Austin J. App, <Ravishing the Conquered Women of Europe>, as
cited by John Roy Carlson in <The Plotters> (New York: E.P.
Dutton, 1946), pp. 160-61.

132 National Convention Program brochure, NCAEG,
Washington, D.C., Sept. 29-Oct. 1, 1983.

133 Interview with Joseph Plonski at the Republican
Heritage Groups Council convention in Los Angeles on June 25,
1986. Other statements in this section attributed to Plonski are
also from this interview.

134 William S. Turchyn and NCAEG, NJ Chapter, <Victory
Without Fear: A Response to OSI’s ” Nazi Hunting” Experiment>
(Rivington, New Jersey: NCAEG, 1985), p. 26.

135 <Washington Post>, Nov. 21, 1971, p. A13.

136 <CCPA News & Views>, Feb.-March 1983, p. 3.

137 Rev. Anthony Cekada, <Light on the OSJ> (Oyster Bay,
New York: The Roman Catholic, n.d.; reprinted from the <The
Roman Catholic>, December 1981). This article is a Catholic
traditionalist examination of the Order. See also the cover page
of Charles Pichel, <History of the Hereditary Government of the
Sovereign Order of St. John of Jerusalem>, 2nd ed. (Shickshinny,
Pennsylvania: Maltese Cross Press, 1970), which traces the
Knights of Malta from Jerusalem in 1050 to the U.S.A. in 1908.

138 Sander A. Diamond, <The Nazi Movement in the United
States: 1924-41> (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press,
1974), pp. 116-17.

139 Pichel, <History of the Order of St. John>, pp. 192-93.
See, for example, in Arnold Forster and Benjamin R. Epstein,
<Cross-Currents> (Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company,
1956), the descriptions of Pedro del Valle (p. 145), George
Stratemeyer (p. 168), and Bonner Fellers (p. 163). Also, a number
of figures named in Pichel’s <History of the Order of St. John>
were instrumental in setting up the Liberty Lobby. Edward von
Rothkirch, a member of the Order, helped set up Truth- in->Press,
a Liberty Lobby 501(c)3 tax exempt group, and has worked with
LaRouche for many years.

140 <Washington Post>, Nov. 21, 1971, p. A13.

141 “Western Goals Annual Report, 1981-82,” Alexandria,
Virginia, 1982; Karol Sitko, <ABN Correspondence>, March-April
1983, pp. 10-13.

142 <Wall Street Journal>, Dec. 17, 1985, p. 16;
<Washington Post>, Sept. 18, 1984, p. A2; and <Washington
Post>, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1, 1984, p. 12.

143 “National Coalition for America’s Survival: Human
Rights and National Survival Program” brochure, Conservative
Alliance, Washington, D.C., n.d. Arthur Jones and the America
First Committee are listed both under “Prominent Individual
Members” and “Organizational Members” in the brochure. According
to the <Washington Post>, National Weekly Edition, Oct. 1,
1984, p. 12, Warren Richardson has been the lobbyist for CALL;
his nomination by Reagan as general counsel for HEW was
torpedoed in 1981 when it was discovered that he worked for the
Liberty Lobby for four years in the 1970’s. Richardson is also
the former Executive Director of CAUSA, Rev. Moon’s organization.

144 <New York Times>, Oct. 12, 1985, p. 12. On June 28 and
29, 1986, Jones addressed a two-day Ku Klux Klan event planned to
provoke confrontations in Chicago’s racially tense southwest
side Marquette Park and in the near-north shoreline area of
Chicago where a Gay Pride Day march was ending.

145 <New York Times>, April 17, 1938, p. E4; <New York
Times>, August 4, 1966, p. 8; <In Fact>, Dec. 30, 1940, pp. 2-4;
and <In Fact>, July 1, 1940, p. 2.

146 Interviews with Sam Dickens, Washington, D.C., July 16,
1986; Curt Winsor, Washington, D.C., July 17, 1986; Constantine
Menges, by telephone, April 1986; and another who requested
anonymity. The discussion and quotations which follow are, unless
otherwise noted, based on these interviews. For information on
Radio Free Americas, see <New York Times>, Feb. 21, 1967, pp. 1-2.

147 An anonymous interview.

148 <Washington Report>, Oct. 1978, p. 8. <Washington
Report> is published by ASC.

149 John Fisher, “President’s Report,” ASC, Boston,
Virginia, 1982.

150 Rear Admiral Gene La Rocque, “Ronald Reagan is no War
Monger–But What About His Advisors?” press statement, Oct. 31, 1980.

151 Interview with Dickens.

152 “White House Hosts ASC Foundation Speakers Bureau
Seminar,” <Washington Report>, Sept. 1983, pp. 4-5. The event
was August 25-26, 1983.

153 Jenny Pearce, <Under the Eagle> (Boston: South End
Press, 1984), pp. 175-80.

154 Interview with David Taylor, by telephone, August 1986.

155 <Peace Through Strength Report>, March 1985, p. 1.

156 <American Banker>, May 11, 1987, p. 3; Jeffrey Zaslow,
“Ex-officers of First Chicago Investigated in Possible Funds
Diversion for Group,” <Wall Street Journal>, May 11, 1987, p. 9.

157 Interview with Matthias Lydon, by telephone, March 4, 1988.

158 <Peace Through Strength Report>, July 1985, p. 2.

159 <New York Times>, Jan. 29, 1988, p. A11.

160 “In Defense of America: A Campaign for Peace through
Strength” fundraising brochure, ASC Foundation, Washington, D.C., [1984].

161 <Ibid>.

162 ASC statement at Sept. 19, 1984 press conference
sponsored by the Coalition for Peace through Strength.

163 <Washington Report>, Nov. 1983, p. 5.

164 ASC press packet, Sept. 19, 1984.

165 See (Lexington, North Carolina) <Dispatch>, March 26,
1986, p. 4 which reports that Milton Croom “said this week he
agrees with right-wing extremist Lyndon LaRouche on many issues,
and was pleased LaRouche candidates had recently won primaries in
Illinois.” Also see <North Carolinians Against Racist and
Religious Violence Report on the North Carolina Elections>,
May 7, 1986, which identifies Croom, who ran for the North
Carolina Senate on the Democratic ticket, as a LaRouche
candidate; corporate filing of station WTRI in Maryland;
<Washington Post>, May 18, 1987, p. A16.

166 See Dennis King, <Nazis Without Swastikas> (New York:
League for Industrial Democracy, 1983); Chip Berlet and Joel
Bellman, <Lyndon LaRouche: Fascism Wrapped in an American
Flag> (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Political Research Associates,
forthcoming); and <Brownshirts of the Seventies> (Arlington,
Virginia: Terrorist Information Project, n.d.), which is
available from National Lawyers Guild, Civil Liberties Committee,
14 Beacon Street, #407, Boston, Massachusetts, 02108.

167 “Populist Groups Get More States,” <Spotlight>, August
20, 1984, p. 14 says that McConkey was state chair of the
Populist Party.

168 Leonard Zeskind, <It’s Not Populism> (Atlanta, Georgia:
National Anti-Klan Network, 1984), available from the Center for
Democratic Renewal, P.O. Box 50469, Atlanta, Georgia, 30302. For
further background on the Populist Party, see also the author’s
article, “Fake Populism, Real Fascism,” <New America>, Jan.-Feb.
1985, p. 12.

169 <A Strategy For Peace Through Strength> (Boston,
Virginia: ASC Foundation, 1984).

170 <Who’s Who in America: 1984-85>, Vol. 2.

171 Joseph C. Goulden, <The Death Merchant> (New York:
Simon and Shuster, 1984; Bantam, 1985), pp. 21, 27.

172 Jonathan Marshall, “The Friends of Michael Hand,”
<Inquiry>, Nov. 24, 1980, p. 11. Also, Black wrote the chapter,
“Structure for Strategy,” on the National Security Council in
<A Forward Strategy For America>, pp. xi, 359-95. Black’s
<Who’s Who in America> entry omits the position in the Eisenhower administration.

173 <Who’s Who in America: 1984-85>, Vol. 2.

174 Australia, <Commonwealth-New South Wales Joint Task
Force on Drug Trafficking: Report of Royal Commission>, Vol. 2,
Nugan Hand (part 1), June 1982, pp. 298-299, 303-304 (hereafter
cited as <Joint Task Force Report>); <Wall Street Journal> front
page series, August 24-26, 1982.

175 <Wall Street Journal>, August 24-26, 1982; <Joint Task
Force Report>, Vol. 4, pp. 731-51.

176 <Joint Task Force Report>, Vol. 4, p. 796.

177 <Joint Task Force Report>, Vol. 4, pp. 796-97; see also
Jonathan Kwitny, <The Crimes of Patriots: A True Tale of Dope,
Dirty Money, and the CIA> (New York and London: W. W. Norton,
1987), pp. 120-21.

178 National Strategy Committee letterhead, ASC, received
Sept. 19, 1984.

179 “Salute to Ambassador Jeane J. Kirkpatrick” dinner
program, ASC Foundation, April 16, 1985, p. 3.

180 Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., July 16, 1986.

181 Caspar Weinberger, “Introductory Remarks,” <Peace
Through Strength Report>, July 1985, p. 2. Includes another
Reagan letter to ASC, commending the June 4th event.

182 <Ibid>., p. 2.

183 <Peace Through Strength Report>, Jan. 1986, p. 3.

184 Lee Norrgard and Joe Rosenbloom 3rd, “The Cold
Warriors,” <Common Cause Magazine>, July-August 1985, pp. 14-19,
esp. p. 19.

185 John Fisher, “President’s Report,” ASC, Boston,
Virginia, 1983.

186 John Fisher, “President’s Report,” 1985.

187 “ASCPAC Plays Vital Role,” <Peace Through Strength
Report>, August 1984, p. 8. On p. 6, the newsletter also says
ASC helped to raise $186,000 for Cong. Bill Dickinson. Jack Kemp
made a claim similar to Chappell’s.

188 “Quotable,” <Peace Through Strength Report>, Winter
1987, p. 4.

189 Liberty Lobby promotional brochure, Washington, D.C.,
n.d., with endorsing quote from Dickinson.

190 U.S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House, <
Ethics in Government Act: Financial Disclosure Statement for
1984>, 98th Cong., 2nd sess., 1984, attachment, p. 1.

191 U.S., Congress, Office of the Clerk of the House,
<Ethics in Government Act: Financial Disclosure Statement for
1985>, 99th Cong., 1st sess., 1985, attachment, p. 1.

192 <Financial Disclosure Statement for 1984>, attachment,
p. 1.

193 <National Security Report>, June 1987, pp. 4-5.

194 Norrgard and Rosenbloom, p. 14.

195 <St. Louis Globe Democrat>, March 15, 1986.

196 Turner, p. 202. G. Duncan Bauman, until recently the
publisher of the now defunct <Globe Democrat>, has been on the
ASC’s National Strategy Committee for years, according to ASC
letterhead, received Sept. 19, 1984.

197 <Coalition Insider>, Nov.-Dec. 1980, p. 7. The <Wall
Street Journal>, Nov. 1, 1984, p. 30, in an editorial, attacked
the AFL-CIO for supporting candidates with low ASC ratings.

198 Monthly Reports of PAC Campaign Financing, Federal
Election Commission, Form 3X, Scedule B.

199 Turner, p. 211.

200 La Rocque, “Reagan is no War Monger.”


Bellant: Old Nazis/End Notes 3

END NOTES 201 – 300

201 <Washington Post>, Nov. 4, 1984, p. A8.

202 CCA corporate records, State of Virginia; CCA brochure,
Boston, Virginia, n.d., shows Steve and Linda Fisher as president
of CCA and president of CCA’s subsidiaries respectively. Their
father, John M. Fisher, is listed as the chairman of CCA.

203 Interview with John Fisher, Boston, Virginia, July 16,
1985; Norrgard and Rosenbloom, pp. 16-17.

204 Interview with John Fisher, Washington, D.C., July 16, 1986.

205 Interview with Jay Winek, by telephone, Sept. 1984. The
ASC had listed the Coalition for a Democratic Majority as a
member organization of the Coalition for Peace through Strength
without CDM’s permission, according to Winek. After several years
of letters asking the ASC to desist, CDM’s name was dropped from
the 1985 list.

206 <Wall Street Journal>, Sept. 28, 1984, p. 46.

207 E. L. Anderson, “Northern League Notes,” <Right>, Feb.
1959, p. 6. Carto used the pen name E. L. Anderson with <Right>
and its successors, such as <Western Destiny>. Carto’s use of
this alias is mentioned in one of the best articles on his
operations in C. H. Simonds, “The Strange Story of Willis Carto,”
<National Review>, Sept. 10, 1971, pp. 978-989, esp. p. 982.
Anderson as Carto alias also confirmed to this writer by former
Liberty Lobby official.

208 <Right> promoted an international pagan->racial
gathering scheduled for July 1959 that was organized by Pearson.
See also “The Northern League,” (London) <Searchlight>, June
1984, p. 9; “>Reagan Praises Leading Fascist,” (London)
<Searchlight>, Sept. 1984, p. 2.

209 <Right>, Sept. 1960, p. 5, which also says, of the
Nazis, “Their critics should consider that at this late date,
only a hard-core group of fanatically-determined young men can
possibly save the White Race.”

210 “Roger Pearson to Tour United States,” <Right>, June
1959, p. 1.

211 “Reagan Praises Leading Fascist,” <Searchlight>, pp.
3-4, which reproduces the masthead of the Nov. 1965 <Western Destiny>.

212 <Ibid>.

213 Roger Pearson, <Race and Civilization> (London:
Clair Press, 1966), title page.

214 Robert Wistrich, <Who’s Who in Nazi Germany> (New
York: Macmillan, 1982), pp. 114-15.

215 Roger Pearson, <Eugenics and Race> (London: Clair
Press, 1966), p. 26.

216 For example, NS Publications, P.O. Box 88, Arlington,
Virginia, 22210.

217 <Wall Street Journal>, Sept. 28, 1984, p. 46.

218 Edwin J. Feulner, Jr., ed., <China–The Turning Point>
(Washington, D.C.: Council on American Affairs, 1976). Other
topics include anti-union themes (3 monographs), Southern Africa
(also 3 monographs), Korea and Social Security.

219 Scott Anderson and Jon Lee Anderson, <Inside the
League> (New York: Dodd, Mead & Co., 1986), pp. 92-97.

220 <Journal of International Relations>, Winter 1977,
title page. John M. Fisher was the publisher.

221 American Foreign Policy Institute letterhead, n.d.
Confirmed in telephone interview with Elbridge Dubrow on Sept.
26, 1984.

222 <Washington Post>, May 28, 1978, p. C1.

223 “Eleventh WACL Conference Proceedings,” Washington,
D.C., 1978.

224 Ernest van den Haag, “Intelligence or Prejudice?”
<National Review>, Dec. 1, 1964, pp. 1059-63; <Washington
Post>, May 21, 1964, p. A8.

225 “International Association for the Advancement of
Ethnology and Eugenics,” <Group Research Organizations
Directory,> Dec. 17, 1969, pp. 6-7.

226 Nouvelle Ecole letterhead, June 1979.

227 The two officials, Clint Bolick and Maxwell Miller, are
listed in <Journal of Political and Economic Studies>, Fall 1984.

228 <Universitas> (UPAO Newsletter), Oct. 1984, pp. 1, 3;
Barry Mehler, “Rightist on the Rights Panel,” <The Nation>, May
7, 1988, p. 641.

229 Lubomyr R. Wynar, <Encyclopedic Directory of Ethnic
Organizations in the United States> (Littleton, Colorado:
Libraries Unlimited, 1975), p.150.

230 Ralph Scott, “The Bookshelf: <The Dispossessed
Majority>,” <Voice of Americans of German Descent>, Oct. 1975,
p. 4.

231 Mehler, “Rightist on the Rights Panel,” <The Nation>,
May 7, 1988, p. 641; <Des Moines Register>, July 13, 1988, p. 4A.

232 <New York Times>, Dec. 11, 1977, p. 76; according to
Pioneer Fund, Inc., U.S. Federal Income Tax Return, Form 990-PF,
1976, Pearson’s Institute for the Study of Man received $4000
for the “study of American Anglo-Saxon school children.”

233 <New York Times>, Dec. 11, 1977, p. 76; <Washington
Post>, March 31, 1985, pp. A1, A16.

234 “International Association for the Advancement of
Ethnology and Eugenics,” p. 7; Application for Recognition of
Exemption, Internal Revenue Service, Form 1023, submitted by
Institute for the Study of Man, May 25, 1975.

235 <Secret Military Assistance to Iran and the
Contras: A Chronology of Events and Individuals> (Washington,
D.C.: National Security Archives, 1987), p. 114.

236 Helms staffer Clifford Kiracofe, former staffer James
McClellan, and Sam Crutchfield are on the masthead of Pearson’s
<Journal of Social, Political and Economic Studies>, Fall 1984.

237 See Alfonse D’Amato, Press Release, July 31, 1984, for
this proposed wording; the final version appears in the published
GOP platform, “Republican Party: America’s Future Free and
Secure,” Committee on Resolutions to the Republican National
Convention, August 20, 1984, p. 41.

238 D’Amato Press Release, July 31, 1984.

239 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 154.

240 <Washington Post>, May 28, 1978, p. C1.

241 <Washington Post>, Jan. 12-13, 23, 26 and 30, 1984;
Feb. 9 and 18.

242 Charles Goldman, ed. [pseud.], “World Anti-Communist
League,” <The Public Eye>, Vol. 2, No. 1-2 (1979), pp. 18-27.
This article was adapted from a translation of an article by
Henrik Kr<129>uger in Erik Jensen and Petter Sommerfelt, eds.,
<Under Daekke> [<Under Cover>] (Copenhagen: Demos, 1978).

243 Robert Boettcher with Gordon L. Freeman, <Gifts of
Deceit: Sun Myung Moon, Tongsun Park, and the Korean Scandal>
(New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1980), pp. 31-34, 338,
343, 348-350.

244 Tan Tien, “Special Report: Establishment of the
American Council for World Freedom,” <Asian Outlook>, April 1970,
pp. 34-35.

245 <The WACL Bulletin>, Sept. 1981, photo section and p. 70.

246 “General John Singlaub–Our Guest,” <ABN
Correspondence>, July-Oct. 1982, p. 97.

247 “United Strength for Peace with Freedom for All”
program, Seventeenth WACL conference, San Diego, California,
Sept. 4, 1984, p. 10.

248 Singlaub interview on Sept. 6, 1984 at the 1984 WACL conference.

249 <New York Times>, May 22, 1987, p. A13.; Holly Sklar,
<Washington’s War on Nicaragua> (Boston: South End Press, 1988),
p. 229.

250 <Los Angeles Times>, Dec. 20, 1986, p. 33; James
Ridgeway, “Et tu, Singlaub? (Moving Target),” <Village Voice>,
Dec. 30, 1986, p. 20.

251 <Spotlight>, April 11, 1988, masthead.

252 Julian Sher, <White Hoods: Canada’s Ku Klux Klan>
(Vancouver: New Star Books, 1983), p. 78; <Toronto Star>, Oct. 8,
1983, p.B8.

253 From introduction to Taylor’s speech by Robert Miles at
Oct. 5-6, 1985 meeting of Aryan Nations in Cohoctah, Michigan.
Attended by author.

254 The above mentioned meeting was a commemoration of
those neo-Nazi Order members killed in a shootout with local and
federal agents. For additional coverage of the event, see <New
York Times>, Oct. 12, 1985, p. 12.

255 Robert Parry, “Reagan Said to OK Private Aid Plan for
Contras,” Associated Press wire story, Washington dateline, Oct.
7, 1985.

256 See <ABN Correspondence>, July-August 1983, front and
back covers, for photos of the White House meeting.

257 John Armstrong, <Ukrainian Nationalism>, 2nd ed. (New
York and London: Columbia University Press, 1963), pp. 73-84.

258 Phillip Friedman, <Roads to Extinction: Essays on the
Holocaust> (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America,
and New York: Conference on Jewish Social Studies, 1980), pp.

259 For example, the Organization for Defense of Four
Freedoms for the Ukraine (ODFFU), according to confidential
interviews with OUN members. <Ukrainian Review> is published in
the U.S. by ODFFU and the editor is Slava Stetsko.

260 <Ukrainian Quarterly>, Summer 1984, p. 214 mentions
Nestercuz’ UCCA affiliation and other ethnic activism.

261 Interview with Bohdan Futey, Washington, D.C., May 17,
1985; <Ukrainian Quarterly>, Summer 1984, pp. 215-16.

262 Confidential interview, OUN-B member.

263 The campaign stop was widely reported. See <Ukrainian
Newsletter> (the organ of the World Conference of Free
Ukrainians, the international body in which all Ukrainian
factions participate), Nov.-Dec. 1984, pp. 3, 7. It reports on
the Reagan visit and notes that Fedorak was elected to the
Presidium of the UCCA Executive Committee. Fedorak was also
Toastmaster at a UCCA banquet where Jeane Kirkpatrick received a
“Shevchenko Freedom Award.”

264 Fedorak attended the 1984 and 1985 WACL meetings in the
U.S. His name appears on lists of previous WACL meetings.

265 “UCCA Calls for Congressional Hearings into OSI,”
<Ukrainian Review>, Summer 1985, p. 96. <Ukrainian Review> is
an OUN magazine.

266 Invitation to Committee for Security and Cooperation in
Europe Forum, signed by Ambassador-Designate Warren Zimmerman, [1986].

267 <Ibid>.

268 <Ukrainian Quarterly>, Editorial Advisory Board,
Spring 1984.

269 Confidential interview with OUN member; list of
Republican Heritage Groups Council leaders.

270 List of groups made available to the author for
notetaking purposes only, at 1985 WACL meeting.

271 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 20-25, 152-55.

272 World Jewish Congress press statement, Dec. 9, 1985, p.
2; Joe Conason, “Reagan and the War Crimes Lobby,” <Village
Voice>, May 14, 1985, pp. 20-23; UNIS press releases of April 4
and April 19, 1985 (UNIS is the Washington, D.C. affiliate of
UCCA); and many articles in <Ukrainian Quarterly>, the UCCA
publication. See, for example, an article that attacks OSI and
praises the Waffen SS (as defenders of freedom) in Edward M.
O’Connor, “Our Open Society Under Attack by the Despotic State,”
<Ukrainian Quarterly>, Spring 1984, pp. 17-49, esp. pp. 48-49.

273 Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-88; Dallin, pp. 114-15;
Armstrong, pp. 35, 50, 73-74.

274 Sayers and Kahn, pp. 80-98; Dallin, p. 115, n. 3, which
cites German intelligence reports; Simpson, <Blowback>, pp. 160-63.

275 Armstrong, p. 38.

276 <Ibid>.

277 <Ibid>., p. 77.

278 Dawidowicz, p. 377.

279 <Ibid>.

280 <Ibid>., p. 544.

281 Friedman, pp. 176-208, 244-321.

282 Armstrong, p. 83.

283 ABN literature cites Nov. 21-22, 1943 as the founding
dates of ABN. A 40th anniversary commemorative booklet, “Freedom
for Nations and for the Individual” (Ukrainian Cultural Center,
Warren, Michigan, Nov. 27, 1983) gives a brief version of their
history of ABN’s origins. For a rejoinder to the OUN/ABN version,
see Dallin, pp. 620-25.

284 Wasyl Veryha, “General Pavlo Shandruk,” <Ukrainian
Quarterly>, Summer 1984, pp. 164-77; Dallin, p. 625.

285 Wynar, p. 377.

286 <ABN Correspondence>, July-August 1983, front cover.

287 Bernadine Bailey, <Captive Nations> (Chicago: Chas.
Hallberg & Co., 1969), p. 146.

288 <Ibid>., p. xi.

289 <Ibid>., pp. 29-36, 118, 130-34, 170.

290 Confidential interview.

291 Bailey, p. 32. On p. 28, Bailey says communism is “a
convenient tool or catch word” used by “Russian imperialists.”

292 Interview with Nicolas Nazarenko.

293 “On the 40th Anniversary of the Establishment of the
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations,” <ABN Correspondence>,
July-August 1983, p. 1; Dallin, p. 624.

294 Niko Nakashidze, <The Truth About ABN> (Munich: ABN
Press and Information Bureau, 1960), p. 14. Although the ABN
claims a direct lineage from the 1943 Committee of Subjugated
Nations (CSN), some scholars emphasize that the CSN went through
a variety of splits and reorganizations immediately after WWII,
and that ABN did not emerge in its current manifestation until
several years after the war.

295 Anderson and Anderson, p. 45.

296 “Death of a Great Croatian Intellectual and
Politician,” <ABN Correspondence>, May-August 1986, p. 97;
Anderson and Anderson, pp. 25-29.

297 Anderson and Anderson, pp.40-41.

298 Joseph Rothschild, <East Central Europe Between the
Two World Wars> (Seattle and London: University of Washington
Press, 1974), p. 317; Rogger and Weber, p. 567, Anderson and
Anderson, p.20.

299 “About the Contributors,” <Journal of Historical
Review>, Summer 1986, p. 254. See a picture album commemorating  the 50th anniversary reunion of
the Iron Guard: <Legiunea in Imagini>
(Madrid: Iron Guard, 1976), p. 116, photo #11; see also
p. 345 for a photo of Ronnett honoring the Bulgarian National
Front in 1975 for the 1941 assistance of the BNF (then the
Bulgarian Legion) during the Iron Guard’s escape from Romania,
following their failed coup attempt.

300 WMAQ-TV (NBC) Chicago, “The Chicago Controversy,”
Evening News, May 11-12, 1987. Transcript in Appendices.


Bellant: Old Nazis/End Notes 4

END NOTES 301 – 377

301 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 72, 138-41.

302 Executive Board of the World Youth Anti-Communist
League, “For a Heroic Concept of Life,” <ABN Correspondence>,
Sept.-Dec. 1983, p. 90.

303 <Ibid>., p. 91.

304 Martin Lee and Kevin Coogan, “Killers on the Right:
Inside Europe’s Fascist Underground,” <Mother Jones>, May 1987,
pp. 40-54.

305 <ABN Correspondence>, May-August 1984, p. 73.

306 <Ibid>., back cover.

307 <Congressional Record>, July 14, 1986, p. E2388-89;
<Chicago Tribune>, July 18, 1986, p.22.

308 U.S. Counterintelligence Corps (CIC), <Consolidated
Guidance Report, February 1948, p. 50.<Encyclopedia of
Associations>, 3rd ed. (Detroit: Gale Research, 1961).

309 Ad in <Darbininkas>, a Lithuanian newspaper, Sept. 7,
1984, p. 4.

310 <Ibid>.

311 <The Campaign Against the U.S. Justice Department’s
Prosecution of Suspected Nazi War Criminals> (New York:
Anti-Defamation League, 1985), p. 12. (Hereafter cited as <ADL
Special Report>)

312 <ADL Special Report>, pp. 31, 37-38.

313 List of groups provided to this writer in 1985 for
notetaking purposes only.

314 Dr. Juozas Prunskis, <Lithuania’s Jews and the
Holocaust> (Chicago: Lithuanian American Council, 1979), pp. 16, 17-19.

315 Danielius Ralys, <The Chosen People: A Look into the
Past> (Canada: Alpha-Book Publishers, 1986), pp. 185-93.

316 Charles Pichel, <Samogitia> (Wilkes-Barre,
Pennsylvania: Maltese Cross Press, 1975), pp. 5-7.

317 <Ibid>., pp. 294.

318 CCJS telegram to Attorney General Edward Meese, Sept.
8, 1985.

319 “Justice Department Passivity Held Responsible for
Recent Terrorist Bombings of East Coast Ethnic Homes,” CCJS Press
Release, Sept. 9, 1985.

320 Kevin Freeman, “WJC Charges Emigre Groups are Thwarting
OSI Activities,” <Daily News Bulletin>, Jewish Telegraph Agency,
April 3, 1985, p. 3.

321 Interview with John Fisher; confirmed by other sources.

322 John Stockwell, <In Search of Enemies: A CIA Story>
(New York: Norton, 1978); contemporary news reports.

323 Interview with John Fisher.

324 “Clark Amendment Repealed: A Victory for Freedom,”
<Peace Through Strength Report>, August 1985, p. 1.

325 <Ibid>., pp. 1-2.

326 Anthony Lewis, “How to Isolate America,” <New York
Times>, May 19, 1987, p. A35.

327 “Southern Africa: The Fateful Struggle” report, ASC,
1979. The trip was conducted from March 24 to April 10, 1979.

328 <Ibid>., p. 2; Stephen Orpen, “Secret funds,
unanswered questions,” <To The Point International>, Dec. 1,
1978, p. 55. <To The Point> (founded in 1972, it became <To the
Point International> in 1974) was closely identified with the
South African regime.

329 Orpen, “Secret funds,” p. 55.

330 <Washington Post>, Jan. 8, 1979, p. C1.

331 <Washington Post>, March 15, 1981, p. A13.

332 <New York Times>, March 15, 1981, p. 1.

333 <New York Times>, March 24, 1981, p. A6; <New York
Times>, March 25, 1981, p. 4.

334 <Washington Post>, March 15, 1981, p. A13.

335 <New York Times>, March 22, 1981, sec. IV, p. 2.

336 National Student Federation of South Africa untitled
report, issued by Student Moderate Alliance (Univ. of
Witwatersrand), Students Action Front (Univ. of Natal,
Pletermaritzburg) and Moderate Student Movement (Univ. of Cape
Town), 1985, p. 10.

337 <Ibid>., p. 11.

338 <Ibid>., pp. 13, 17.

339 For example, <New American>, Jan. 27, 1986, p. 32;
“South Africa `87: 12th Annual Financial Geopolitical Tour,”
Conservative Caucus direct mailing, n.d.

340 <Grassroots>, the newsletter of the Conservative
Caucus, August 1985, devoted its 8 tabloid pages to advocating
apartheid interests.

341 An ad calling for Crocker’s firing, signed by Abramoff,
appeared in <Conservative Digest>, May 1985, p. 18.

342 Interview with CNP member.

343 CNP membership list; Board of Governors Mailing List,
CNP, Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 1984, pp. 1, 11, 21, 26, 28.

344 Interview with CNP member, background only; Board of
Governors Mailing List, p. 7.

345 From source close to CNP.

346 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 83, 253.

347 <Spotlight>, March 28, 1988, masthead.

348 Ivor Benson, “The Siege of South Africa,” <Journal of
Historical Review>, Spring 1986, pp. 5-20; “Seventh International
Revisionist Conference a Smashing Success,” <Institute of
Historical Review Newsletter>, Feb. 1986, p.1.

349 Benson, “The Siege of South Africa,” esp. pp. 9-10, 13-14.

350 See generally Walter LaFeber, <Inevitable Revolutions:
The United States in Central America> (New York and London:
W.W. Norton, 1983) and Jenny Pearce, <Under the Eagle> (Boston:
South End Press, 1984).

351 <Washington Report>, August 1979, p. 2.

352 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 174-75.

353 Jack Anderson, “Death Squads Have Permeated Latin
America,” <Washington Post>, Jan. 13, 1984, p. E12; Jack
Anderson, “Latin Terrorists’ Leader Retains Support of CIA,”
<Washington Post>, Jan. 30, 1984, p. B32.

354 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 217-41; Jack Anderson,
“Assassin Calls Death Squads Part of Network,” <Washington
Post>, Jan. 23, 1984, p. B30; Jack Anderson, ” `Death Squads’
Continue Despite U.S. Pressures,” <Washington Post>, Jan. 26,
1984, p. Md. 15.

355 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 223-24.

356 <Ibid>., p. 223.

357 <Ibid>., p. 203. In the <New York Times>, March 4,
1981, p. 1, D’Aubussion says he’s met with and maintained contact
with Lt. Gen. Dan Graham, among others.

358 Samuel T. Dickens, “El Salvador’s Roberto D’Aubuisson,”
<Peace through Strength Report>, July 1984, p. 2. See p. 4 of
the same <Report> for photos.

359 <Peace through Strength Report>, Winter 1987, p. 2.

360 <Eagle>, Feb. 1984, p. 18.

361 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 169-74.

362 <Washington Post>, Feb. 22, 1981, p. C7.

363 Neil Livingstone, “Fighting Fire With Fire,” <World and
I>, March 1986, p. 96. <World and I> is published by the
<Washington Times>, which is under the control of the Rev. Sun
Myung Moon. Its editor is Morton Kaplan, who has been one of
Moon’s top collaborators in the U.S., especially as chairman of
the International Conference for Unity of the Sciences. Kaplan
has praised Moon as a great religious leader. According to the
“Special Report on the American Security Council,” May 25,
1962, by Group Research, Kaplan is also a long-time associate of
the Foreign Policy Research Institute, discussed earlier in this
paper. In 1988, he is still listed on the masthead of FPRI’s <Orbis>.

364 <Ibid>., p. 95.

365 <New York Times>, May 15, 1987, p. A12; <Miami Herald>,
June 8, 1986, p. A26; <Wall Street Journal>, May 21, 1987, p. 1.

366 <The New York Times>, Jan. 12, 1987, pp. A1, A6; see
also Neil Livingstone, “What Ollie North Told Me Before He Took
the Fifth,” <National Review>, Jan. 30, 1987, p. 37.

367 U.S., 100th Cong., 1st sess., 1988, Appendix A: Vol. 1;
Source Documents, pp. 634-37.

368 Interview with Dickens.

369 Samuel Dickens, “When Dialog Reeks of Treachery,”
<Replica>, Dec. 1984-Jan. 1985, p. 29.

370 Samuel Dickens, “Campaign of Attacks On the Salvadoran
Army Launched by Leftist `Human Rights Defense’ Organization,”
<Replica>, March 1985, pp. 19-20

371 Anderson and Anderson, pp. 71-81; Craig Pyes,
<Salvadoran Rightists: The Deadly Patriots> (Albuquerque:
Albuquerque Journal, 1984), pp. 11-12. This booklet is a reprint
of a series of articles by Pyes which ran in the <Albuquerque
Journal> from Dec. 18 to Dec. 22, 1983.

372 Interview with Alexander Ronnett; <Potomac>, Jan. 15,
1979, pp. 1-3, 15-16, 24. <Potomac> is published by Ronnett in
Mt. Prospect, Illinois.

373 “New Chile Pleads for Fair Treatment in U.S. Press,”
<Voice of Americans of German Descent>, November 12, 1974, p. 3.

374 Codreanu, p. viii.

375 Magnus Linklater, Isabel Hilton, and Neal Acherson,
<The Nazi Legacy> (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1984),
pp. 215-319.

376 Singlaub biographical statement, Roni Hicks Advertising
and Public Relations, San Diego, California, n.d., distributed at
the 1984 WACL Conference; Anderson and Anderson, pp. 150-151;
<Eagle>, Feb. 1984, p. 20; Anthony Herbert with James T. Wooten,
<Soldier> (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1973), pp.
103-104, which discusses Singlaub’s role in what later became
known as Operation Phoenix.

377 ABC-TV, “Phil Donahue Show,” Sept. 30, 1985.


“One of the great lies of this century is that in the 1930’s
Generalissimo Franco in Spain was primarily a nationalist engaged
in stopping the Reds. Franco was, of course, a fascist who was
aided by Mussolini and Hitler.”

“The history of this period is a press forgery. Falsified
news manipulates public opinion. Democracy needs facts. Once,
while I was questioning publisher and editor William Allen White,
we arrived at a formula that still is the best rule for
journalists–The facts fairly and honestly presented; the truth
will take care of itself.”

(–George Seldes – Hartland Four Corners, Vermont, March 5, 1988)

“Fascism, which was not afraid to call itself reactionary…
does not hesitate to call itself illiberal and anti-liberal.”

(–Benito Mussolini)

“Reactionary concepts plus revolutionary emotion result in
Fascist mentality.”

(–Wilhelm Reich)

“If fascism came to America, it would be on a program of Americanism.”

(–Huey P. Long)

“The great masses of people. . .will more easily fall
victims to a big lie than to a small one.”

(–Adolph Hitler)

by Chip Berlet

In this paper, author Russ Bellant tells us that an
Eastern European emigre fascist network with direct ties to
former Nazi collaborators has penetrated the Republican Party
through its ethnic outreach program. He further argues that this
network has played a significant role in shaping American foreign
policy since World War II, with the goal of rolling back the
borders of the Soviet Union in an inevitable military confrontation.

Mr. Bellant faces a major hurdle convincing us that this
lurid-sounding tale is true, and he faces this challenge head-on.
That ultimately he is successful in this task is due to his
dozens of interviews, hundreds of footnotes, and thousands of
hours of research.

Perhaps a harder question to address than the validity of
the charges, is seemingly the simplest: Should we care? To
understand why the answer is yes, we should care, one must start
by examining the roots of the nationalist political movements of
1930’s Europe, and the role played by political fascism and
Nazism in shaping these movements.

We have all heard of the Nazis–but our image is usually a
caricature of a brutal goose-stepping soldier wearing a uniform
emblazoned with a swastika. Most people in the U.S. are aware
that the U.S. and its allies fought a war against the Nazis, but
there is much more to know if one is to learn the important
lessons of our recent history.

Technically, the word NAZI was the acronym for the
National Socialist German Worker’s Party. It was a fascist
movement that had its roots in the European nationalist and
socialist movements, and that developed a grotesque
biologically-determinant view of so-called “Aryan” supremacy.
(Here we use “national socialism” to refer to the early Nazi
movement before Hitler came to power, sometimes termed the
“Brownshirt” phase, and the term “Nazi” to refer to the movement
after it had consolidated around ideological fascism.)

The seeds of fascism, however, were planted in Italy.
“Fascism is reaction,” said Mussolini, but reaction to what? The
reactionary movement following World War I was based on a
rejection of the social theories that formed the basis of the
1789 French Revolution, and whose early formulations in this
country had a major influence on our Declaration of Independence,
Constitution, and Bill of Rights.

It was Rousseau who is best known for crystallizing these
modern social theories in <The Social Contract>. The progeny of
these theories are sometimes called Modernism or Modernity
because they challenged social theories generally accepted since
the days of Machiavelli. The response to the French Revolution
and Rousseau, by Hegel, Marx, Nietzsche> and others, poured
into an intellectual stew which served up Marxism, socialism,
national socialism, fascism, modern liberalism, modern
conservatism, communism, and a variety of forms of capitalist
participatory democracy.

Fascists particularly loathed the social theories of the
French Revolution and its slogan: “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.”

*** Liberty from oppressive government intervention in the
daily lives of its citizens, from illicit searches and seizures,
from enforced religious values, from intimidation and arrest for
dissenters; and liberty to cast a vote in a system in which the
majority ruled but the minority retained certain inalienable rights.

*** Equality in the sense of civic equality, egalitarianism,
the notion that while people differ, they all should stand equal
in the eyes of the law.

*** Fraternity in the sense of the brotherhood of mankind.
That all women and men, the old and the young, the infirm and the
healthy, the rich and the poor, share a spark of humanity that
must be cherished on a level above that of the law, and that
binds us all together in a manner that continuously re-affirms
and celebrates life.

This is what fascism as an ideology was reacting
against–and its support came primarily from desperate people
anxious and angry over their perception that their social and
economic position was sinking and frustrated with the constant
risk of chaos, uncertainty and inefficiency implicit in a modern
democracy based on these principles. Fascism is the antithesis of
democracy. We fought a war against it not half a century ago;
millions perished as victims of fascism and champions of liberty.

Fascism was forged in the crucible of post-World War I
nationalism in Europe. The national aspirations of many European
peoples–nations without states, peoples arbitrarily assigned to
political entities with little regard for custom or culture–had
been crushed after World War I. The humiliation imposed by the
victors in the Great War, coupled with the hardship of the
economic Depression, created bitterness and anger. That anger
frequently found its outlet in an ideology that asserted not just
the importance of the nation, but its unquestionable primacy and
central predestined role in history.

In identifying “goodness” and “superiority” with “us,”
there was a tendency to identify “evil” with “them.” This process
involves scapegoating and dehumanization. It was then an easy
step to blame all societal problems on “them,” and presuppose a
conspiracy of these evildoers which had emasculated and
humiliated the idealized core group of the nation. To solve
society’s problems one need only unmask the conspirators and
eliminate them.

In Europe, Jews were the handy group to scapegoat as
“them.” Anti- Jewish conspiracy theories and discrimination
against Jews were not a new phenomenon, but most academic studies
of the period note an increased anti-Jewish fervor in Europe,
especially in the late 1800’s. In France this anti-Jewish bias
was most publicly expressed in the case of Alfred Dreyfus, a
French military officer of Jewish background, who in 1894 was
falsely accused of treason, convicted (through the use of forged
papers as evidence) and imprisoned on Devil’s Island. Emile
Zola> led a noble struggle which freed Dreyfus and exposed
the role of anti-Jewish bigotry in shaping French society and
betraying the principles on which France was building its democracy.

Not all European nationalist movements were necessarily
fascist, although many were. In some countries much of the
Catholic hierarchy embraced fascist nationalism as a way to
counter the encroachment of secular influences on societies where
previously the church had sole control over societal values and
mores. This was especially true in Slovakia and Croatia, where
the Clerical Fascist movements were strong, and to a lesser
extent in Poland and Hungary. Yet even in these countries
individual Catholic leaders and laity spoke out against bigotry
as the shadow of fascism crept across Europe. And in every
country of Europe there were ordinary citizens who took
extraordinary risks to shelter the victims of the Holocaust. So
religion and nationality cannot be valid indicators of fascist
sentiment. And the Nazis not only came for the Jews, as the
famous quote reminds us, but for the communists and the trade
union leaders, and indeed the Gypsies, the dissidents and the
homosexuals. Nazism and fascism are more complex than popular
belief. What, then, is the nature of fascism?

Italy was the birthplace of fascist ideology. Mussolini, a
former socialist journalist, organized the first fascist movement
in 1919 at Milan. In 1922 Mussolini led a march on Rome, was
given a government post by the king, and began transforming the
Italian political system into a fascist state. In 1938 he forced
the last vestige of democracy, the Council of Deputies, to vote
themselves out of existence, leaving Mussolini dictator of
fascist Italy.

Yet there were Italian fascists who resisted scapegoating
and dehumanization even during World War II. Not far from the
area where Austrian Prime Minister Kurt Waldheim is accused of
assisting in the transport of Jews to the death camps, one
Italian General, Mario Roatta, who had pledged equality of
treatment to civilians, refused to obey the German military order
to round up Jews. Roatta said such an activity was “incompatible
with the honor of the Italian Army.”

Franco’s fascist movement in Spain claimed state power in
1936, although it took three years, the assistance of the Italian
fascists and help from the secretly reconstituted German Air
Force finally to crush those who fought for democracy. Picasso’s
famous painting <Guernica> depicts the carnage wrought in a
Spanish village by the bombs dropped by the forerunner of the
<Luftwaffe> which all too soon would be working on an even larger
canvas. Yet Franco’s fascist Spain never adopted the obsession
with race and anti-Jewish conspiracy theories that were
hallmarks of Hitler’s Nazi movement in Germany.

Other fascist movements in Europe were more explicitly
racialist, promoting the slogan still used today by some neo-Nazi
movements: “Nation is Race.” The Nazi racialist version of
fascism was developed by Adolph Hitler who with six others formed
the Nazi party during 1919 and 1920. Imprisoned after the
unsuccessful 1923 Beer Hall putsch in Munich, Hitler dictated his
opus, <Mein Kampf> to his secretary, Rudolph Hess.

<Mein Kampf> (My Battle) sets out a plan for creating in
Germany through national socialism a racially pure <Volkish>
state. To succeed, said Hitler, “Aryan” Germany had to resist
two forces: the external threat posed by the French with their
bloodlines “negrified” through “contamination by Negro blood,”
and the internal threat posed by “the Marxist shock troops of
international Jewish stock exchange capital.” Hitler was named
Chancellor of Germany by Hindenburg in January 1933 and by
year’s end had consolidated his power as a fascist dictator and
begun a campaign for racialist nationalism that eventually led
to the Holocaust.

This obsession with a racialism not only afflicted the
German Nazis, but also several eastern European nationalist and
fascist movements including those in Croatia, Slovakia, Serbia,
Lithuania, Romania, Bulgaria, and the Ukraine. Anti-Jewish
bigotry was rampant in all of these racialist movements, as was
the idea of a link between Jewish financiers and Marxists. Even
today the tiny Anti-communist Confederation of Polish Freedom
Fighters in the U.S.A. uses the slogan “Communism is Jewish.”

One element shared by all fascist movements, racialist or
not, is the apparent lack of consistent political principle
behind the ideology–political opportunism in the most basic
sense. One virtually unique aspect of fascism is its ruthless
drive to attain and hold state power. On that road to power,
fascists are willing to abandon any principle to adopt an issue
more in vogue and more likely to gain converts.

Hitler, for his part, committed his act of abandonment
bloodily and dramatically. When the industrialist power brokers
offered control of Germany to Hitler, they knew he was supported
by national socialist ideologues who held views incompatible with
their idea of profitable enterprise. Hitler solved the problem in
the “Night of the Long Knives,” during which he had the
leadership of the national socialist wing of his constituency
murdered in their sleep.

What distinguishes Nazism from generic fascism is its
obsession with racial theories of superiority, and some would
say, its roots in the socialist theory of proletarian revolution.

Fascism and Nazism as ideologies involve, to varying
degrees, some of the following hallmarks:

*** Nationalism and super-patriotism with a sense of
historic mission.

*** Aggressive militarism even to the extent of glorifying
war as good for the national or individual spirit.

*** Use of violence or threats of violence to impose views
on others (fascism and Nazism both employed street violence and
state violence at different moments in their development).

*** Authoritarian reliance on a leader or elite not
constitutionally responsible to an electorate.

*** Cult of personality around a charismatic leader.

*** Reaction against the values of Modernism, usually with
emotional attacks against both liberalism and communism.

*** Exhortations for the homogeneous masses (<Volk> or folk)
to join voluntarily in a heroic mission–often metaphysical and
romanticized in character.

*** Dehumanization and scapegoating of the enemy–seeing the
enemy as an inferior or subhuman force, perhaps involved in a
conspiracy that justifies eradicating them.

*** The self image of being a superior form of social
organization beyond socialism, capitalism and democracy.

*** Elements of national socialist ideological roots, for
example, ostensible support for the industrial working class or
farmers; but ultimately, the forging of an alliance with an elite
sector of society.

*** Abandonment of any consistent ideology in a drive for
state power.

It is vitally important to understand that fascism and
Nazism are not biologically or culturally determinant. Fascism
does not attach to the gene structure of any specific group or
nationality. Nazism was not the ultimate expression of the German
people. Fascism did not end with World War II.

After Nazi Germany surrendered to the Allies, the
geopolitical landscape of Europe was once again drastically
altered. In a few short months, some of our former fascist
enemies became our allies in the fight to stop the spread of
communism. The record of this transformation has been laid out in
a series of books. U.S. recruitment of the Nazi spy apparatus has
been chronicled in books ranging from <The General was a Spy> by
Hohne & Zolling, to the recent <Blowback> by Simpson. The
laundering of Nazi scientists into our space program is
chronicled in <The Paperclip Conspiracy> by Bowers. The global
activities of, and ongoing fascist role within, the World
Anti-Communist League were described in <Inside the League> by
Anderson and Anderson. Bellant’s bibliography cites many other
examples of detailed and accurate reporting of these disturbing realities.

But if so much is already known of this period, why does
journalist and historian George Seldes call the history of Europe
between roughly 1920 and 1950 a “press forgery”? Because most
people are completely unfamiliar with this material, and because
so much of the popular historical record either ignores or
contradicts the facts of European nationalism, Nazi
collaborationism, and our government’s reliance on these enemies
of democracy to further our Cold War foreign policy objectives.

This widely-accepted, albeit misleading, historical record
has been shaped by filtered media reports and self-serving
academic revisionism rooted in an ideological preference for
those European nationalist forces which opposed socialism and
communism. Since sectors of those nationalist anti-communist
forces allied themselves with political fascism, but later became
our allies against communism, <apologia> for collaborationists
became the rule, not the exception.

Soon, as war memories dimmed and newspaper accounts of
collaboration faded, the fascists and their allies re-emerged
cloaked in a new mantle of respectability. Portrayed as
anti-communist freedom fighters, their backgrounds blurred by
time and artful circumlocution, they stepped forward to continue
their political organizing with goals unchanged and slogans
slightly repackaged to suit domestic sensibilities.

To fight communism after World War II, our government
forged a tactical alliance with what was perceived to be the
lesser of two evils–and as with many such bargains, there has
been a high price to pay.

This manuscript tallies some of the moral and political
costs of our government’s disquieting alliance with Nazi
collaborationists and fascists; and follows the trail from the
bloody atrocities of the Waffen SS to the ethnic outreach arm of
the Republican Party and even to the paneled walls of White House
briefing rooms. It is a story many will find unbelievable, yet
its documentation is thorough and its conclusions
warranted–leaving only the question of whether or not we as a
nation find the situation morally tolerable.

(Chip Berlet Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1988)